There is the important opposition between an economic vote based on a choice, which is the idea that the voter makes a real choice based on a cost-benefit calculation, a choice that is rational in the end according to Weber's typology, while the psycho-sociological vote is rather based on a concept of loyalty that often makes the opposition between choice and loyalty. It is quite interesting to see the bridges that can be built between theories that may seem different. The choice of candidates is made both according to direction but also according to the intensity of positions on a given issue. Some have another way of talking about convergences and showing how the theories explaining the vote can be reconciled with the process of political misalignment. Some have criticized this model saying that it puts forward the one-dimensional image of the human being and politics, that is, that it is purely rational, hypercognitive in a way without taking into account sociological but also psychological elements. If that is true, then if there are two parties that are equally close to our preferences, then we cannot decide. It is no longer a question of explaining "why" people participate but "how", that is, in terms of voter turnout, what choice is made and what can explain an electoral choice. The psycho-sociological model has its roots in Campell's work entitled The American Voter publi en 1960. The government is blamed for the poor state of the economy. In other words, the homing tendency that is the explanation that the model postulates is much less true outside the United States. A unified theory of voting: directional and proximity spatial models. Voters vote for the candidate or party closest to their own position which is the proximity model. In order to explain this anomaly, another explanation beside the curvilinear explanation beside the directional theories of the vote, a third possibility to explain this would be to say that there are some parties that abandon the idea of maximizing the vote or electoral support in order to mobilize this electorate and for this we have to go to extremes. From this point of view, parties adopt political positions that maximize their electoral support, what Downs calls the median voters and the idea that parties would maximize their electoral support around the center of the political spectrum. 43 0 obj <> endobj Ecological regression represents one extreme: the presumption that voting behavior changes systematically across groups but only changes randomly, if at all, within groups. For some, this model overestimates the capabilities that voters have. By Web: Vote-By-Mail Web Request. [1] Numbers abound, since we have seen that, in the end, both models systematically have a significant effect. Hinich and Munger take up the Downs idea but turn it around a bit. There are a whole host of typologies in relation to issues, and we distinguish different types of issues such as position issues and issues that are more or less emotional. Others have criticized this analogy between the economic market and the political market as being a bit simplistic, saying that, basically, the consequences of buying a consumer product have a certain number of consequences, but they are much more limited compared to what buying a vote can have in terms of choosing a party. Other researchers have tried to propose combined models that combine different explanations. maximum proximity, as the party, his or her utility increases, and when the voter moves away from the party, his or her utility decreases. On the other hand, to explain the electoral choice, we must take into account factors that are very far from the vote theoretically, but we must also take into account the fact that there are factors that are no longer close to the electoral choice during a vote or an election. They find that partisan identification becomes more stable with age, so the older you get, the more partisan identification you have, so it's much easier to change when you're young. Sociological Model (Columbia Model) Social-Psychological Model (Michigan Model) Economic / Rational Choice Model (Rochester Model) 5 Sociological Model. Prospective voting says that voters will listen to what candidates and parties have to say. With regard to the limits, methodological individualism has often been evoked, saying that it is an exclusively micro-sociological perspective that neglects the effect of social structure. For most theories, and in particular Matthews' Simple Directional Model theory, the neutral point determines direction. More specifically, the costs that the voter has to take into account according to the different parties and candidates must be evaluated, which is the partisan differential, i.e. In the literature, spatial theories of voting are often seen as one of the main developments of the last thirty years which has been precisely the development of directional models since the proximity model dates back to the 1950s. We end up with a configuration where there is an electorate that is at the centre, there are party activists who are exercising the "voice" and who have access to the extreme, and there are party leaderships that are in between. In spring of 2021, key people working in homelessness services in Vancouver flew to San Diego to learn about the Alpha Project's model . It is an answer that remains faithful to the postulates of Downs' theory and the proximity model. One possible strategy to reduce costs is to base oneself on ideology. Parties do not try to maximize the vote, but create images of society, forge identities, mobilize commitments for the future. In both The People's Choice (Lazarsfeld et al., 1944) and Voting (Berelson et al., 1954), the authors In other words, they are voters who are not prepared to pay all these costs and therefore want to reduce or improve the cost-benefit ratio which is the basis of this electoral choice by reducing the costs and the benefit will remain unchanged. If we do not accept the idea that actors will vote according to their assessment of certain issues, to be more precise, according to their assessment of the position that the various parties have on certain issues, if we do not understand that, we cannot understand the spatial theories of voting either. Several studies show that the impact of partisan identification varies greatly from one context to another. The Peoples Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign. Basic Idea What you are vote choice ; Key foundational studies ; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, Gaudet (1944) The Peoples Choice Berelson, Lazarsfeld, McPhee (1954) Voting On the other hand, preferences for candidates in power are best explained by the proximity model and the simple directional model. We want to know how and why a voter will vote for a certain party. Pp. Voters who rely on strong partisan identification do not need to go and do systematic voting or take one of the shortcuts. From the perspective of the issue vote, there are four main ways to explain how and why voters are going to vote a certain way and why parties are going to position themselves. 0000010337 00000 n Voters who want their ballot mailed to an address that is not their address on record will be required to submit their request in writing. Today, there is an attempt to combine the different explanations trying to take into account, both sociological determinants but also the emotional and affective component as well as the component related to choice and calculation. These two proximity models are opposed to two other models that are called directional models with Matthews' simple directional model but especially Rabinowitz's directional model with intensity. What voters perceive are directional signals, that is, voters perceive that some parties are going in one direction and other parties are going in another direction on certain issues. The basic assumption is that voters decide primarily on the basis of ideologies and not on the basis of specific positions on issues. We often talk about economic theory of the vote in the broadest sense in order to designate a rationalist theory based on rational choice theory and spatial theories of the vote. In the literature, we often talk about the economic theory of voting. As for the intensity model, they manage to perceive something more, that is to say, not only a direction but an intensity through which a political party defends certain positions and goes in certain political directions. These are models that should make us attentive to the different motivations that voters may or may not have to make in making an electoral choice. 102 Lake City, FL 32055 OR 17579 SW State Road 47 Fort White, FL 32038. 0000007835 00000 n Hirschman contrasts the "exit" strategy with the "voice" strategy, which is based on what he calls "loyalty", which is that one can choose not to leave but to make the organization change, to restore the balance between one's own aspirations and what the organization can offer. The intensity directional model adds an element that is related to the intensity with which candidates and political parties defend certain positions. as a party's position moves away from our political preferences. 5. The choice can be made according to different criteria, but they start from the assumption that there are these voters who arrive in an electoral process that refers to the idea of the hexogeneity of voters' preferences. In other words, there is a social type variable, a cultural type variable and a spatial type variable. The term "group" can mean different things, which can be an ethnic group or a social class. p. 31). 135150. A distinction can be made between the simple proximity model, which is the Downs model, and the proximity model with Grofman discounting. Certain developments in the theory of the psycho-sociological model have in fact provided answers to these criticisms. This identification with a party is inherited from the family emphasizing the role of primary socialization, it is reinforced over time including a reinforcement that is given by the very fact of voting for that party. According to Fiorina, retrospective voting is that citizens' preferences depend not only on how close they are to the political position of a party or candidate, but also on their retrospective assessment of the performance of the ruling party or candidate. These criticisms and limitations are related to the original model. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Three Models of Voting Behavior. It is by this configuration that May tries to explain this anomaly which is due to the fact that there is a group of voters who become activists within the party and who succeed in shifting the party's positioning towards the extremes. Voting requires voters to know the candidates' positions on issues, but when there are several candidates or several parties, it is not very easy for some voters in particular. We have to be careful, because when we talk about political psychology, we include that, but we also include the role of cognitions and rationality. We talk about the electoral market in the media or the electoral supply. The economic model has put the rational and free citizen back at the centre of attention and reflection, whereas if we push the sociological model a bit to the extreme, it puts in second place this freedom and this free will that voters can make since the psycho-sociological model tells us that voting is determined by social position, it is not really an electoral choice that we make in the end but it is simply the result of our social insertion or our attachment to a party. There are other variants or models that try to accommodate this complexity. There is no real electoral choice in this type of explanation, but it is based on our insertion in a social context. Hinich and Munger say the opposite, saying that on the basis of their idea of the left-right positioning of the parties, they somehow deduce what will be or what is the position of these parties on the different issues. There are different types of costs that this model considers and that need to be taken into account and in particular two types of costs which are the costs of going to vote (1) but above all, there are the costs of information (2) which are the costs of obtaining this information since in this model which postulates to choose a party on the basis of an evaluation of the different propositions of information which is available, given these basic postulates, the transparency of information and therefore the costs of information are crucial. The answer to this second question will allow us to differentiate between proximity models and directional models because these two subsets of the spatial theories of voting give diametrically opposite answers to this question. For Przeworski and Sprague, there may be another logic that is not one of maximizing the electorate in the short term but one of mobilizing the electorate in the medium and long term. Bakker, B. N., Hopmann, D. N., & Persson, M. (2014). those who inquire: they are willing to pay these costs. For example, a strongly conservative voter who votes Democratic may vote Republican because he or she feels more in tune with the party. Thus, the interpretation of differences in voting behaviour from one group to another is to be sought in the position of the group in society and in the way its relations with parties have developed. It is possible to determine direction based on the "neutral point" which is the point in the middle, or it is also possible to determine direction from the "status quo". and voters who choose to use euristic shortcuts to solve the information problem. These authors have tried to say that the different explanatory theories of the vote can be more or less explanatory in the sense of having more or less importance of explanatory power depending on the phases in which one is in a process of alignment and misalignment. It rejects the notion that voting behavior is largely determined by class affiliation or class socialization. In this perspective, voting is essentially a question of attachment, identity and loyalty to a party, whereas in the rationalist approach it is mainly a question of interest, cognition and rational reading of one's own needs and the adequacy of different political offers to one's needs. The theoretical criticism consists in saying that in this psychosocial approach or in this vision that the psychosocial model has of the role of political issues, the evaluation of these issues is determined by political attitudes and partisan identification. At the aggregate level, the distribution of partisan identification in the electorate makes it possible to calculate the normal vote. The psycho-sociological model initiated the national election studies and created a research paradigm that remains one of the two dominant research paradigms today and ultimately contributed to the creation of electoral psychology. It has often been emphasized that this model and approach raises more questions than answers. The role of the centrality of partisan identification has been criticized, especially today, because partisan identification plays a role that is still important but much less important than it used to be and may be much less important than some researchers within this paradigm have postulated. 0000005382 00000 n Hirschman wanted to explain what happens in organizations when they enter a situation of crisis or decline. Merrill, Samuel, and Bernard Grofman. The voters have to make that assessment and then decide which one brings more income and which one we will vote for. There are also external factors that also need to be considered, such as the actions of the government, for example, voters are influenced by what the government has done. The idea is to see what are all the factors that explain the electoral choice. This is linked to a decrease in class voting and a loss of traditional cleavages. The sociological model obviously has a number of limitations like any voting model or any set of social science theories. If we look at it a little more broadly, partisan identification can be seen as a kind of shortcut. According to Merril and Grofman, one cannot determine whether one pure model is superior to another because there are methodological and data limitations. This creates a concern for circularity of reasoning. The initial formulation of the model is based on the Downs theory in An Economic Theory of Democracy publi en 1957. It is a very detailed literature today. This economic theory of the vote, this rationalist theory, has a great advantage over the other models, which is that it does not only focus on voters, that is to say, it does not only focus on political demand, but it also looks at supply and especially at the interaction between supply and demand. On that basis, voters calculate the utility income of the different parties and then they look at and evaluate the partisan differential. That discounting depends on where the policy is right now in relation to what the party is promising, and that is the directional element. It is interesting to know that Lazarsfeld, when he began his studies with survey data, especially in an electoral district in New York State, was looking for something other than the role of social factors. Voters calculate the cost of voting. The idea is that it is in circles of interpersonal relations even if more modern theories of opinion leaders look at actors outside the personal circle. Today, when we see regression analyses of electoral choice, we will always find among the control variables social status variables, a religion variable and a variable related to place of residence. There is a direct link between social position and voting. The 'funnel of causality' provided a convenient framework within which to pursue both a comprehensive program of electoral accounting and a more selective strategy of explanation. In a phase of alignment, this would be the psycho-sociological model, i.e. There is a small bridge that is made between these two theories with Fiorina on the one hand and the Michigan model of another party that puts the concept of partisan identification at the centre and that conceives of this concept in a very different way, especially with regard to its origin. The ideological space can be defined as a left-right ideological space but can also be defined more precisely in relation to certain issues. the earlier Columbia studies, the Michigan election studies were based upon national survey samples. We are not ignoring the psychological model, which focuses on the identification people have with parties without looking at the parties. The anomaly is that there is a majority of the electorate around the centre, but there are parties at the extremes that can even capture a large part of the preferences of the electorate. By Phone: (386) 758-1026 ext. Grofman's idea is to say that the voter discounts what the candidates say (discounting) based on the difference between current policy and what the party says it will do or promise. When you vote, you are taking your personal time and effort to advance the collective good, without any guarantee of personal rewardthe very heart of what it means to be altruistic. There is a whole branch of the electoral literature that emphasizes government action as an essential factor in explaining the vote, and there is a contrast between a prospective vote, which is voting according to what the parties say they will do during the election campaign, and a retrospective vote, which is voting in relation to what has been done, particularly by the government, which has attributed the successes or failures of a policy. It is because we are rational, and if we are rational, rationality means maximizing our usefulness on the basis of the closeness we can have with a party. 0000006260 00000 n Much of the work in electoral behaviour draws on this thinking. The theoretical account of voting behavior drew heavily upon the metaphor of a 'funnel of causality'. So, we are going to the extremes precisely because we are trying to mobilize an electorate. Studies have shown that, for example, outside the United States, a much larger proportion of voters who change their vote also change their partisan identification. It is possible to create a typology that distinguishes between four approaches crossing two important and crucial elements: "is voting spatial? _____ were the first widespread barriers to the franchise to be eliminated. The scientific study of voting behavior is marked by three major research schools: the sociological model, often identified as School of Columbia, with the main reference in Applied Bureau of Social Research of Columbia University, whose work begins with the publication of the book The People's Choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1944) The scientific study of voting behavior is marked by three major research schools: the sociological model, often identified as School of Columbia, with the main reference in Applied Bureau of Social Research of Columbia University, whose work begins with the publication of the book The Peoples Choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1944) and Today, in the literature, we talk about the economic vote in a narrower and slightly different sense, namely that the electoral choice is strongly determined by the economic situation and by the policies that the government puts in place in particular to deal with situations of economic difficulty. On the other hand, women tend to have less stable partisan identification, they change more often too. This jargon comes from this type of explanation. 0000003292 00000 n The psycho-sociological model also developed a measure called the partisan identification index, since this model wanted to be an empirical model with behaviourism and the idea of studying individual behaviours empirically with the development of national election studies and survey data to try to measure the partisan identification index. Nowadays, the internet is the most used communication environment, and therefore it becomes very important to try to determine the behavior of users regarding internet use. The individual is subjectivity at the centre of the analysis. Prospective voting is based on election promises and retrospective voting is based on past performance. It is also often referred to as a point of indifference because there are places where the voter cannot decide. In general, they are politically more sophisticated and better educated; those who rely on the opinion of the media and opinion leaders; that of the law of curvilinear disparity proposed by May; the directional model of Rabinowitz and Matthews; Przeworski and Sprague's mobilization of the electorate. It is a rather descriptive model, at least in its early stages. There are different strategies that are studied in the literature. Since the idea is to calculate the costs and benefits of voting for one party rather than the other, therefore, each party brings us some utility income. Numerous studies have found that voting behavior and political acts can be "contagious . This is called retrospective voting, which means that we are not looking at what the parties said in their platforms, but rather at what the parties did before. A third criticism of the simple proximity model is the idea of the median voter, which is the idea that all voters group around the centre, so parties, based on this observation, will maximize their electoral support at the centre, and therefore if they are rational, parties will tend to be located more at the centre. The problem of information is crucial in the spatial theories of voting and who would need an answer to fully understand these different theories. Another strategy is the so-called "shortcut" that voters take within the rationalist framework of voting, since they are confronted with the problem of information and have to choose on the basis of this information. is partisan identification one-dimensional? Prospective voting says that the evaluation is based on what the parties and candidates are going to say. If we accept this premise, how will we position ourselves? Furthermore, "social characteristics determine political preferences". "The answer is "yes", as postulated by spatial theories, or "no", as stated by Przeworski and Sprague, for example. They are both proximity choices and directional choices with intensity, since there are voters who may choose intensity and others who may choose direction. In essence, those studies provided the core concepts and models used in contemporary voting research. This model of directional proximity with intensity illustrates what is called symbolic politics which is related to the problem of information. This is the proximity model. Moreover, retrospective voting can also be seen as a shortcut. If someone positions himself as a left-wing or right-wing voter, the parties are positioned on an ideological level. Voters are more interested in political results than in political programmes, and the choice is also made from this perspective. The influence of friends refers to opinion leaders and circles of friends. A distinction is made between the sociological model of voting from the Columbia School, which refers to the university where this model was developed. Understanding voters' behavior can explain how and why decisions were made either by public decision-makers, which has been a central concern for political scientists, [1] or by the electorate. 59 0 obj <>stream the maximum utility is reached at the line level. One must assess the value of one's own participation and also assess the number of other citizens who will vote. It is multidimensional also in the bipartisan context of the United States because there are cleavages that cut across parties. How was that measured? These are some of the criticisms and limitations often made by proponents of other approaches. What is interesting is that they try to relate this to personality traits such as being open, conscientious, extroverted, pleasant and neurotic. This table shows that for quite some time now there has been a strong decline in partisan identification. Proximity means the closeness of the voter's interests to the political proposals that are made with the parties. Contenu disponible en Franais Contenido disponible en espaol Contenuto disponibile in italiano, The distinction between the three main explanatory models of voting is often found. McElroy's connection to Vancouver didn't end there. The system in the United States is bipartisan and the question asked was "Do you consider yourself a Republican, Democrat or otherwise? In Switzerland, the idea of an issue is particularly important because there is direct democracy, which is something that by definition is based on issues. Often, in Anglo-Saxon literature, this model is referred to as the party identification model. 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